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Introduction |
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For days after
the presidential election, spin-doctors, monday-morning mavens and
assorted pundits pummeled the airwaves, both radio and television,
with opinions on why the vote went the way it did. Why John Kerry
lost, and George W. Bush won. Paramount in everyone's hit on the
outcome of the election was the issue of "moral values." According
to exit pollsters, moral values dominated people's reasons for
voting as they did. Bush had them, Kerry didn't. For religious
fundamentalists, it was simple as that. That's the way people
viewed the difference between the candidates and their parties. Is
it the truth? |
Late in the 19th
century, the spread of colonialism acquainted Europeans with a
heterogeneous jumble of exotic societies. It was a field day for
anthropologists who soon enough won a place for themselves as serious
scientific observers. What did they see? As certainly as the sun never
set on the British Empire, it was plain to the anthropologists that
there were superior races, white of complexion and christian by
preference, and inferior races, customarily with more generously
endowed skin pigmentation. Superiority implied moral acceptability.
Inferiority confirmed an outlook on life that was by turn "savage,"
"primitive," "degraded," and so on. The white man dutifully bore the
burden of elevating these uncivilized heathen to the tenets of moral
excellence that the white man possessed. Missionaries proliferated.
Following World War I, with colonialism increasingly discredited and
humanist revolution in the air, the moral superiority to which the
white man laid claim, was increasingly questioned. Closer scrutiny of
the practices of the empire builders made it clear that for all their
vaunted moral excellence, the behavior of the white man was little
better, and perhaps much worse than that of the backward savages whom
he professed to enlighten.
The reaction of the anthropologists was decisive and unforgiving. No
morality anywhere could be taken as universal. One could not judge the
morality of any other culture by the morality of one?s own. Different
strokes for different folks. Cultural relativity entered common
parlance as a touchstone for tolerance and a benchmark of worldly
understanding. It passed into currency as a humanitarian mantra.
Suffering a bad press among enlightened intellectuals, the very word
morality virtually disappeared from the humanist lexicon. We
knew about the sort of folks who were likely still to employ the "m"
word and, perish the thought, made judgments about "good" and "evil."
Fundamentalist believers, bigots and people who?d probably never gone
beyond the 3rd grade in school, that's who.
We knew better, and in the certainty of our belief, we left the
battlefield free to occupation by defenders of the faith. We simply
deserted. What we left behind was indeed a battlefield, one on which
morality has been the central issue ever since, one consequently in
which liberals have been trounced for decades. We needn't have been.
Is morality in fact so provincial a sentiment that smart folks should
banish it from their speech? Purge it from their awareness?
Years ago, when cultural relativity first took hold, a type-case was
offered from among the practices of the Inuit, referred to then as
Eskimo. Setting out on their annual trek across the frozen wastes the
Inuit would leave behind members, generally the very old and infirm,
who were not going to survive the journey. Alone in the cold, so soon
as food and fuel were spent, they would perish. How heartless, how
utterly heartless. Could these people be called human? Why, yes, of
course they could, as human as we ourselves. That was their custom, it
defined their morality, and the rest of us needed to respect it.
Truth is, Inuit morality goes deeper than the utilitarian concern that
cultural relativity gives them credit for. Can anyone doubt that when
the family was compelled to leave grandma behind they gazed back with
heartbreak eyes as their sleds glided away over the hardpack? Inuit
reverence for life was and is no whit inferior to ours, nor is it of a
different brand, and, despite the practices that we may observe, the
same can be said for every group of people on the face of the earth.
Given a society where rape, especially of young women, under certain
conditions is an accepted practice, is there anyone willing to say,
"Well, that's their custom. No blame. It's not for us to judge"?
However deeply ingrained one's sense of cultural relativity may be,
one is hardly likely to condone rape. Look into the heart of a mother
whose 13 year old daughter has been seized and violated, and see if
you can be morally non-judgmental. Look into your own heart.
We are all human. Our hearts open to the same sentiments of love and
close down in response to injury and assault. Human morality, we may
justly conclude, is universal. Serviced by the same flood of hormones
and subject to the same longings, it is endemic to the human
condition.
Who then is best equipped to defend the morality in which we all share
simply by being human? Those who who pile high their assets while
letting the poor fend for themselves, who send off their children and
the children of others on wars of conquest and acquisition, who impose
restrictive covenants on the behavior of others, all the while
claiming the moral high ground, who cry out with shouts of right-to
life and demand capital punishment for the condemned, who pollute air
and water and field, ripping forests from the soil and paving over
wetlands? Can these be the defenders of the morality in which we all
share?
Or, on the other hand, those who care for the poor, the aged and the
distressed. Who look upon armed conflict always as a last resort and
peaceable collaboration as a choice mode of relating with each other.
Who are prepared to extend compassion to everyone, whatever their
marital practices may be. Who respect people, all people and all
living things, respect the land that gives us life, respect the air
that passes through our lungs, respect the waters that quench the
thirst of plant and animal alike. Can these be the defenders of
morality? The answer would seem to be clear, and those of us who count
ourselves among the latter have every right to proclaim our defense of
moral values.
When George W. Bush tells us that we must fight against the Axis of
Evil, we cringe at the word. "Evil?" Evil is a word that goes
along with the belief that certain people can be possessed of the
Devil. We know that there is no devil. We consider it presumptuous,
self-serving and gratuitously deprecatory of George Bush or anyone
else to call someone evil. It's an ugly thought, filling us with a
feeling of disgust, and those who employ it are surely reprehensible.
Is there really nothing about human behavior however that we can
rightfully call evil? What about behavior that transgresses the
innermost sanctums of human morality, actions perhaps of George W.
Bush himself? Back in the 40s there was a radio serial dealing with
the exploits of a crime-fighter known as The Shadow. "What evil
lurks on the hearts of men?" the announcer inquired, beginning
each installment in a darkly somber tone, "Only the Shadow knows."
We knew too, for in those days the idea of evil had not yet been
fully co-opted into the fundamentalist arsenal to be made the work of
Satan. We knew evil in Nazi Germany and in Fascist Italy, and we had
no trouble recognizing it elsewhere along the highways and byways of
human folly. Divorced from its satanic associations, and relieved of
allegations of genetic inheritance, we can see evil for what it is, a
maximal dysfunction in the human psyche, and, yes, it?s all around us.
Nevertheless evil is a word that liberals cannot use. Thanks to the
fundamentalists, it has become firmly attached to images of forked
tails, horned heads and cloven feet. Sulfured fumes cleave to it.
Still we can recognize its reality and with or without the good
offices of The Shadow we can do our best to deal with it. As it is,
there are other words, not yet purloined by fundamentalist usage, in
which liberals can articulately express their moral values.
Value itself. Liberal values include the right of every child
to have a decent meal in the morning and a well-funded school in which
to learn, every family to have an adequate dwelling in which to
shelter itself, all wage earners to have properly paying jobs and all
retired people a life sustaining income, everyone to have full medical
coverage, no-one to be sent off to war until all avenues of peaceful
defense have been exhausted, government that functions in the interest
of the people rather than for the profits of large corporations, an
equality of rights for everyone regardless of qualifying
characteristics whatever they may be and, yes, the right of people to
marry as they wish. These are liberal values. They define liberal
morality and voicing them as such, with pride and conviction, they
should be on the tip of every liberal's tongue.
Spirituality,
there's another word that liberals can claim as their own. For the
past three decades spirituality has been the focus of the liberal
quest for a morally meaningful existence. Teachings of gurus,
workshops and retreats in enlightenment, along with a continuous flow
of self-help books claim preeminence in their lives, as liberals seek
to enhance their hold on spirituality. With plausible justness,
liberals may regard their search for spirituality as being
substantially more satisfying than the practices of the churches that
they've left behind, where moral rectitude is often more visible in
disregard than observance. Despite so widespread an interest in and
pursuit of spirituality, who ever has heard the word voiced in the
exhortations of liberal politicians? Are they too embarrassed,
reluctant perhaps to be confused with the advocates of moral
righteousness who so often are neither moral nor righteous? Are we?
Morality? We own it.
Burt "Daz" Alpert. Kapaau, HI 11/7/04
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daz - 05:47:51 - Monday, 11/08/2004